| February
2012 -Congolese Women
Speak Out:
Sudan and Congo savaged as
world shrugs
By Michael O'Hanlon and John
Prendergast
2011 was a year of unprecedented
action on behalf of freedom and human rights. When citizens
flooded streets throughout the Middle East and North Africa,
the U.S. and other countries dropped their long-standing
presidential allies and demanded new leadership. When massive
human rights abuses loomed in Libya and Ivory Coast, the
international community acted decisively. That backdrop
makes it all the more puzzling why the two countries where
human rights abuses are worst in the world — Sudan
and the Democratic Republic of Congo— have received
such comparatively tepid international responses.
In the past quarter-century, Sudan and Congo
have collectively sustained roughly 7.75 million war-related
deaths and unrivaled additional human suffering from the
use of rape as a war weapon, the recruitment of child soldiers,
mass displacement and chronic poverty.
By contrast, fewer than 1,000 people died in Egypt in 2011
in a year where the violent suppression of protests nonetheless
sparked a revolution — and a global outrage —
that brought down a longstanding autocrat. In Libya, no
more than a few thousand people had died from the violence
when President Obama and otherNATO leaders and the Arab
League admirably chose to support the resistance and protect
beleaguered populations. Even after a year of war, perhaps
10,000 to 20,000 died in all — tragic figures, to
be sure, but the sort of thing that routinely happens in
a month or two in Congo or Sudan. In Yemen and Syria, where
many eyes are focused these days, the 2011 tolls were perhaps
1,000 and 5,000 respectively. Yet we quite properly and
actively debate how to urgently bring the killing to an
end as soon as possible.
Time for 'basic decency'
At a time when the U.S. involvement in Iraq's war has ended
and the Afghanistan mission is beginning to decline in scale,
2012 offers the world a chance to amend its past failings
and show the people of Sudan and Congo the kind of basic
decency that motivated intervention in Libya.
Policymakers pin their hopes on the separation of South
Sudan from the main part of the country in 2011 and recent
elections in Congo as signs of progress. But this is pure
hopefulness, not policy. The two Sudans are in active dispute
over several regions along their new border, where the Abyei
area was ethnically cleansed by the Khartoum regime. And
now, internally, the Sudan government aims to do the same
to the non-Arab populations in South Kordofan and Blue Nile
regions. In Congo, the December election was quite possibly
stolen by President Joseph Kabila's cronies, and fighting
continues in the east over the illegal extraction of one
of the richest non-petroleum natural resource bases in the
world.
The United Nations peacekeeping mission in Congo is large
by global standards but deploys fewer than 20,000 foreign
troops for a country the size of Western Europe and twice
the population of either Iraq or Afghanistan. Darfur and
South Sudan have similarly undermanned peacekeeping missions,
leaving them front row seats for some of the world's worst
war crimes.
Though more peacekeepers could help protect civilians, the
peacekeepers need a peace to keep. Sudan's border populations
need an international community willing to break the Khartoum
government's blockade on humanitarian aid and to protect
them from relentless indiscriminate aerial bombardment.
They need a diplomatic surge involving China and the U.S.
in support of African mediation. It should apply pressure,
including through the threat of biting sanctions, aimed
at addressing the myriad conflicts within Sudan and the
brewing resumption of war between Sudan and newly independent
South Sudan.
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| Refugees: Victims of ethnic violence
wait in line at a food distribution center in Pibor,
South Sudan, a newly created nation. |
Equal treatment
The Congolese people need an international community willing
to stand up to a government that likely stole the election,
just as was the case when Russia's Vladimir Putin, Afghanistan's
Hamid Karzai and other world leaders took liberties with
their countries' respective votes in recent years. They
need international action to deal with the government forces
and other armed groups that profit from massive and violent
smuggling of minerals that power our cellphones, laptops,
and other household products unnecessarily tainted with
this conflict mineral trade. Again, economic pressure could
be our greatest point of realistic leverage. In both Congo
and South Sudan, a serious and expanded investment in professionalizing
army and police forces will be crucial to future stability.
The details of what can help promote human rights and freedoms
in Sudan and Congo can be debated, but it is uncontestable
that united global action is imperative. Libya, Egypt, Ivory
Coast and other examples demonstrate that decisive international
action led by top government officials can make a huge difference.
The long-suffering people of Sudan and Congo hope they are
next in line.
Michael O'Hanlon is a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution,
a former Peace Corpsvolunteer in Congo and author most recently
of The Wounded Giant: America's Armed Forces in an Age of
Austerity. John Prendergast is co-founder of the Enough
Projectand co-author most recently ofUnlikely Brothers.
Victoria Dove Dimandja - Congolese
Human Right Campaigner
Liberation
Congolese Women Group
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